Common Property Resource - Institutional Innovations Database

This database includes more than 80 cases of indigenous common property resource institutions. Included here is synopsis of some of them:

1. Rec# 250. A1 Author, Title Publisher City Year., -. -. Features of the economic, social and ecological environment which affect the institution. Short historical overview, primarily; when was the institution established. Size of the group covered by the institution.: Other spatial or temporal settings where similar institutions can be found. Is the institution concurrent or episodic., Social boundaries: Who are\can be included in or members of the institution ?Spatial boundaries: The geographical area covered by the institution. Rules for governing the institution: Organization, election of leaders, accountabilities, sanctions etc. Also including rules for maintenance.
   
   
2. Rec# 3. Abu, Rafia Aref Control and allocation of grazing lands among the Bedouin tribes of the villages, Traditional, Pastoralism. Israel. In Israel the Negev Area is semi-arid and it serves the Bedouins for dwelling, grazing and farming. The Bedouin population about 60,000,comprised of 30 tribes. The area varies topographically from flat to rolling hills to hilly. Most of the area is covered with loose soil, but the hills are composed of brown lithosols. The climatic conditions in the Negev varies from year to year, this instability has a great influence on vegetation, Bedouin life and livelihood. Dew is an important source of water for vegetation in Negev : Spatial: The Negev comprises 12,500sq.km, 60% of the area of the state of Israel. The Negev Bedouin dwell in an area of 1,000 sq km. Out of this about 400sq km are dry farmed and the remainder 600 sq.km are rangelands
   Social: Nomadizing with the flocks outside the Bedouin area of 1000 sq.km is dependant on obtaining a permit from the authorities. Nomadizing is allowed only between mid-February till beginning of October. About ninety percent of the land in Israel, including all of the Negev, is controlled by the Lands Administration. The grazing areas outside the Bedouin area are controlled by a number of bodies: the Israel Lands Administration, the Jewish National Fund, co-operative villages (MOSHAVIM), collective villages (KIBBUTZIM) Ministry of Agriculture, the Israeli Army and the Nature Reserves Authority
   The authorities are not monolithic, but they control most of the lands. They can give or withdraw access by different criteria and preferences. Since the Bedouin need those lands for a large part of the year , the authorities have the power to control the Bedouin to a large extent
   MAINTENANCE: Watchman is appointed for guarding the fields and orchards and he has to monitor that the flocks do not enter the sown fields. Certain tasks and chores are done by users themselves, like watching the flocks at night by remaining awake turn by turn. Letter sent ed. CPR: A-151996 Mar 15-1996 Mar 15.
   
   
3. Rec# 160. Acheson, James M. The Lobster Fiefs Revisited Economic and Ecological Effects of Territoriality in Maine Lobster Fishing. in James M. Acheson & Bonnie J. McCay eds. The Question of the Commons. The Culture and Ecology of Communal Resources. p. p. 37-65 University of Arizona Press Tucson 198 and James M. Acheson Where Have All the Exploiters Gone Co-Management of the Maine Lobster Industry. in Fikret Berkes ed. Common Property Resources. Ecology and community-based sustainable development. p. p. 199-217 Belhaven Press London 1989., Lobster, Fishery, Property Rights, Common Property, Population Conservation, Territorial Regulation, Technological Change. USA. The lobster fishermen in Maine have established informal rules of territorial regulation alongside the formal government regulation. These rules provide exclusive ownership of fishing areas to individuals or groups. It also seems to function as a system of conservation; since the 1940'es lobster catches have been relatively stable, varying from 16 to 21.7 million pounds a year (1982 numbers). In the 1970'es there were about 9000 lobstermen in Maine of which 2300 were working fulltime. Generally they use the same techniques. The lobsters are caught in 3 - 4 feet long wooden traps, marked with a buoy on the surface. They are usually placed in the water in long rows, so that a man can see from one buoy to another in the fog. On a good day a lobsterman can pull up to 200 traps. Typically lobstermen will have 4-600 traps each. They fish alone from 28-32 feet long boats equipped with modern technology such as depth sounders, hydraulic trap haulers and radios. Activity varies greatly from season to season. During winter (January, February and March) the lobsters migrate to deeper waters, three to ten miles off shore. During this period fishing is relatively dangerous and unprofitable. The weather can be rough and trap losses increase. Some lobster men will stay ashore and build traps during this period or use their boats for fishing scallops and shrimps. The busiest periods are spring (April 15 - June 15) and fall (August 15 - November 15). Over 65% of the catch is done in the Fall. During the molting season (Roughly June 15 - August 15) catches are very low, and most lobstermen will bring their traps ashore and do maintenance work on their gear. The central Maine coast. The institution is concurrent.,
   SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: To go fishing, formally one must have a license issued by the State of Maine. Informally, one should be accepted by the other fishermen from the harbour (The  " Harbour Gang") and show that one will abide to their norms. Normally such acceptance will be easier for people who already belongs to the community, through residence or kinship, such as a young local boy who wish to take up fishing. More difficulties will be experienced for outsiders, especially part-timers who have other job opportunities. Members of a harbour gang can only go fishing in the territory which belongs to their harbour. If the harbour uses perimeter defended territories (see below), acceptance from the harbour gang is not enough. Then one should either have achieved the rental rights for a fishing area or one should be from a family which owns land and adjacent waters within the harbour territory.
   SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The fishing territories of the central Maine coast. Formal rules made by the State of Maine only requires a license. Anyone who has a license can go fishing anywhere. Informal rules has set up more explicit territorial boundaries. A fishing territory in this system belongs to the harbour fishermen are fishing of. Harbour territories are relatively small. They do not exceed 100 square miles and normally they will be much smaller. Territories are recognized by landmarks, rocks, trees, buildings etc. along the shore. Offshore boundaries will be marked by landmarks and islands. There are two types of harbour territories. In nucleated territories, the longer you get from the shore, the less definite the boundary will be, and mixed fishing (The same area being fished by fishermen from different harbour gangs) is tolerated - partly because boundaries are more difficult to define far off shore, and partly because competition is low in the season where fishing is done in these areas (winter). Still, areas close to the harbour are very well defined and should not be trespassed by outsiders. The other type of harbour territories is perimeter defended territories, in which boundaries are and must be respected to a much wider extend. This system is used on the islands in the eastern part of the area. But as well as lobstermen with perimeter defended territories do a lot to maintain the territorial boundaries and to prevent intruders from fishing in these areas, they are unlikely to be fishing outside their own territory. Thus, the major difference between nucleated and perimeter defended areas is the degree to which mixed fishing is allowed.
   FORMAL RULES: The State of Maine has jurisdiction out to three miles from shore. To fish, a license is required and traps and buoys should be marked with license number and assigned colours. Violations result in court action and suspension of licenses. The state has also established size regulation and rules for protecting breeding females.
   INFORMAL RULES: Informal rules are governed by the Harbour gang. Violations of territorial regulations will lead to sanctions, initially by warnings, but if they have no effect, fishing gear, such as traps, buoys may be damaged, often simply by cutting the buoy line so that the trap will be lost. Sanctions are most likely to be imposed on newcomers and part-timers. Old, well-established fishermen can often break boundaries without being sanctioned, but they also face limits, and consistent boundary violation is not likely to be accepted. It is not reported if sanctions are the result of collective or individual action. Though the actual damaging of gear is most likely to be executed by an individual, it could be the result of discussions within a larger forum. No letter sent. Professor in Anthropology and Marine Science, University of Maine. ed. IIM-lib no. 333.72 Q.8-174.
   
   
4. Rec# 40. Agrawal, Arun The Illogic of Arithmetic in Resource Management. Overpopulation Markets and Institutions as Explanations of Forest use in the Indian Himalayas. Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis Indiana University Bloomington USA, Forestry, Overpopulation, Population Growth, Panchayat, Forest Councils, Monitoring, Sanctioning, Forest Management, Resource Degradation. India. Between 1840 and 1910, the British brought most of the forest area in the Kumaon Hills under their control as an economic and commercial resource. This was an important loss for the local population. Because of their relative isolation from factor and product markets, the hill agriculturalists of the Kumaon Hills use animal draught power instead of mechanized implements, organic manure instead of chemical fertilizers and traditional varieties of seeds instead of modern varieties. Thus, there is a close connection between different ecological subsystems - agricultural, pastoral and forest related and the region is heavily dependent upon self-reliance, thus also upon the access to forest resources. Popular resistance made the state pas the  " Panchyat" - act in 1931, according to which 30 % of the forests were given back to the villagers, to be controlled and managed by the relatively autonomous panchyats. Today, more than 5000 van panchayats forests councils control the use of 30 % of the forest areas in the Kumaon Hills. The institution is concurrent.,
   SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The village forest area, governed by the panchayat.
   SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: All villagers have access to extract the resources of the area in accordance with the rules settled by the panchayat. The Van Panchayats are governed by the same government law, the Forest Panchayat act. But at village level rules and regulations may differ. Day to day management of the panchayat forests is governed by the rules the van panchayat create in regular meetings. Villagers are appointed as watchmen for a small stipend to monitor people who violate rules about how much can be extracted from the forest by individuals. Violators are reported to the panchayat which will exact fines or impose other sanctions. Contacted at: University of Florida, Department of Political Science, 3324 Turlington Hall, Gainesville, Florida 32611 - 2836. ed. CPR A.31.-16212.
   
   
5. Rec# 10. Akimichi, Tomoya Territorial Regulation in the Small-Scale Fisheries of Itoman Okinawa. in Kenneth Ruddle and Tomoya Akimichi Maritime Institutions in the Western Pacific. National Museum of Ethnology Osaka Japan 1984., Coastal Fishery, Ambushi, Stake-net, Territorial Rights, Common Property. Japan. The Ambushi fishermen are part of a larger fishing industry in Itoman. They use stake-nets, "ambushi's", for coastal fishery. Ambushi fishing is done in shallow water where tidal waters and corresponding fish movements must be taken into account. The net is composed of two main parts: A bag net which is set using poles fixed in a semi-rectangular shape at the side of coral rock, about three to four fathoms deep; and wing nets which are attached to each side of the bag net. The net is fixed with coral rocks at the bottom. Usually the wing nets are 50-100 m. long (See fig.3). Normally each fisherman works on his own with his small boat and netting gears, but sometimes they will use an assistant. Ambushi-fishermen generally belong to the same Munchu - indigenous descent groups in traditional Okinawan society - the Sumu-bara group. Contracts to conduct Ambushi fishery were first reported in the late 19th century. In the 1930'es, there were 7-8 Ambushi fishermen in Itoman.: The text does not refer to similar institutions outside Itoman, but Ambushi fishery is generally known in Japan normally called Tateboshi-ami. The institution is concurrent.,
   SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: To undertake Ambushi fishing, one must obtain a permission by the local Fisheries Cooperative Association (FCA) The rules of the institution only applies for fishermen using the ambushi technology within the coastal fishing territory of Itoman.
   SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The coastal waters of the fishing territory licensed to the Itoman FCA. The Ambushi fishermen are members of the local FCA, which administrates, controls and execute formal rules and rights among all fishermen in Itoman. The Ambushi fishermen have set up their own rules on how to conduct Ambushi fishing. Earlier meetings in order to govern this institution were held among Ambushi fishermen once a year. Presumably these meetings started in the 1890'es. Post-war meeting frequency has been very low. No letter sent. National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan. ed. CPR. A.14TroB180396.
    
6. Rec# 20. Appell, G. N. Resource Management Regimes among the Swidden Agriculturalists of Borneo Does the Concept of Common Property adequately map Indigenous Systems of Ownership Paper presented at panel session Property in Common Property The International Association for the Study of Common Property University of Manitoba Winnipeg Canada sep. 26-29 1991., Swidden Agriculture, Property, Use Rights, Common Property, Lineage. Malaysia. The villages of Bidayuh Land Dayak people of Sarawak. The institution is concurrent.,
   SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: Use rights of swidden areas are given to descendants of the original feller who are married men, who have children and reside in a seperate longhouse apartment. Village reserves can only be cultivated by members of the village, unless prior permission is given by the village headman. The village headman can also allow outsiders to join the village as such.
   SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The village reserves. Village members can create use-rights for the village reserve. ????? No letter sent. ed. CPR A.10.-16212.
    
7. Rec# 150. ---, Forestry, Fruit Trees, Property Rights, Common Property, Heritage, Lineage, Kinship. Malaysia. Similar institutions can be found elsewhere on Kalimantan (See Nancy Lee Peluso). The institution is concurrent.,
   SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: The institution is found among the Rungus people of Sarawak.
   SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The Rungus territory. No further information is given. If a fruit tree is, a descendant (See ResA) will guard and cultivate it. He will also call other right holders to come and collect the fruit. If the tree is destroyed, the cultivator can attend the village moot to sue the person who destroyed it on behalf of the entire group of descendants. No letter sent (OBS!!! other Appel file.) ed. CPR. A.10.-11748.
    
8. Rec# 24. Barrow, Edmund G C and 1991 "Turkana Tree Rights, Issues of Natural Resource Management and Policy Potentials and Conflicts Draft, Ekwar (tree), tenure, Arid, Usufruct rights , Fodder, semi-arid, livestock, pastoralist, Adakar. Nairobi(Kenya). Usufruct rights to trees (Ekwar) in the Turkana silvo-pastoral system of Kenya are an important aspect of natural resource management, especially in the drier central parts. Turkana is a semi-arid and arid district situated in Northern Kenya with a population of about 225,000 people. This system makes best use of the vegetation through a transhumant system of wet and dry season grazing combined with the setting aside of specific dry season grazing reserves. Therefore the Ekwar system includes wet and dry season grazing combined with reserved grazing areas (Epaka, Amaire) and dry season fodder reserves (Ekwar)
   Simultaneously there exists a customary rule "Adakar" based on the grazing associations of the Turkana particularly related to the usage of trees in dry season grazing reserves (group rights), however at present such a system is not allowed under the influence of the government
   Ekwar: An "Ekwar" is associated with the ownership of the trees (more particularly their produce) beside or near a river or lake. In dry season a person's Ekwar provides the family with dry season fodder in the form of pods and leaves of various trees in their Ekwar, and in particular Acacia tortilis. The produce from the Ekwar belongs to the owner and no one else can use it unless by prior arrangement and agreement. Thus an Ekwar can be related to customary ownership of, or usufruct rights to a certain area of land (refer figure in pg.28)
   Some of the tree species which are identified as locally important species are: Acacia tortilis, Cordia sinensis, Salvadora persica, Hyphaena compressa and Zizyphus mauritiana : Such usufruct rights of trees are not unique to the Turkana situation, it may have evolved in other places also according to the text, Spatial: Turkana district covers an area of 72, 000 sq.km with a low and variable rainfall, varying from 150 to 200 mm in the dry central areas to over 400 mm in the south. The district is bordered on the east by lake Turkana, on the west by the Ugandan escarpment, on the north by the boundaries of Sudan and Ethiopia, and on the south by West Pokol and Baringo districts of Kenya.The topography consists of low lying central plains (600 metres), close to hills and mountains (1800-3100 metres).There are numerous ephemeral streams, the two important river being Turkwell and Kerio.
   Social: In the drier parts the herd owner within their "Ere"or area of permanent settlement where old and young stocks may remain all year around, may have ownership rights to particular resources which may include fodder, trees, dry season wells and Sorghum gardens. These resources are owned by the herdowner and his own family relatives. Outsiders are not allowed to use them without prior permission
   The importance of hill areas, as dry season fodder reserves are recognized in terms of the grazing group which has rules and regulations governing their usage. The Loima mist forest being the most important of the dry season grazing reserves in the district
   There is fair degree of flexibility in Ekwar ownership rights. If an Ekwar owner is absent for a period of time and not using the produce of his Ekwar, it is likely that someone else will take over his Ekwar so that the produce of the Ekwar can be used efficiently. Such flexibility of Ekwar ownership represents method to reduce risk and make the production system more sustainable
   Property ownership in Turkana whether it be land, trees or livestock is not definite, it is rather a claim which a person may always be ready to defend. If a person is not able to protect the trees he has fenced or if nobody is willing to support his interest than others may ignore the enclosure and collect fruits (Storas 1987). Thus in the same way as relationships to people are necessary to get access to land, they are also essential to protect use of land.
   Likewise, confrontation in land disputes is not always between insiders and outsiders but can be amongst closer family also . Not clearly reported in the text. Forestry: B-031996 Apr 13-1996 Apr 13.
    
9. Rec# 6. Berkes, Fikret Common Property Resource Management and Cree Indian Fisheries in Subarctic Canada in The Question of Commons The University of Arizona Press Tucson, Traditional, Fishing, Hunting, Trapping. Canada. The eastern James Bay Cree are organized into eight bands including Chisasibi and its northern neighbour ,Great Whale and Southern neighbour, Wemindji. In Chisasibi there are two broad social groups: Inlanders and coasters the families who traditionally hunts in the interior and along the James Bay coast respectively. Within the band hunting group consists of several nuclear families, usually 10 to 20 people: Spatial: The Cree Indian village of Chisasibi is located about 1,000 km north of Montréal, it is one of eight Cree communities in the area. Social: The community hunting area is divided into some 40 traplines or hunting territories. According to the James Bay agreement the hunters and fishermen have the right to use the Western quarter (area) and for trapping they have rights to use for the entire area. All persons wishing to hunt, fish or trap should inform the boss of the area, since he is the person who has access to his area. The trapline holder controls (Beaver boss) the traditional common property system in Chisasibi. All persons wishing to hunt, fish or trap are expected to inform the boss of the area. The boss manages the harvesting capacity for the benefit of band society as a whole. He may enforce customary laws with respect to harvesting activities and hunting behaviour. The boss inherits the hunting territory usually from his father or other relative, but he cannot sell or buy it. If he is not able to manage it for community benefit , he can be held accountable for it and forced by social pressure to step down. 1996 Mar 23-1996 Mar 23.
    
10. Rec# 30. Bjorklund, Ivar Sami Reindeer Pastoralism as an Indigenous Resource Management System in Northern Norway A Contribution to the Common Property Debate. Development and Change vol. 21 pp. 75-86 Sage London Newbury Park New Delhi 1991., Pastoralism, Resource Management, Sami, Norway, Siida, Overgrazing, Reindeer, Government Intervention, Knowledge systems. Norway, Finland and Sweden. Sami's are reindeer pastoralists living in the Finnmark, a territory including northern parts of Sweden, Finland and Norway. Domestication of reindeer is at least one thousand years old, and as a pastoral adaptation, reindeer herding is reported since the 16th century. Generally, herds are moved around in a cycle according to seasonal pasture conditions. The institution is generally used among Sami's in the Finnmark. The institution is concurrent.,
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: Members of the "Siida" (see below). SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: Gouvdageaidnu area of Northern Norway, Finland and Sweden. National borders restrict the movements of the herds but specific rules for crossing the border between Norway and Sweden has been made in an internal agreement between the governments the two countries. Herdowners are organized in "Siida's", cooperations organized through kith relations (Possibly a Clan). The members of the "Siida" lives and migrates together and they will organize the grazing of reindeer herds throughout a year. Contacted at: Ivar Bjorklund, Tromso Museum, University of Tromso, Folkeparken, N-9000, Norway. Response received 17/5/96. Will send updated paper. ed. CPR, B. 17.-16212.
     
11. Rec# 1. Brett, June Prill 1985 Stone Walls and Waterfalls Irrigation and Ritual Regulation in the Central Cordillera Northern Phillippines in Karl L. Hutterer A. Terry Rambo and George Lovelace Ed Cultural Values and Human Ecology in Southeast Asia Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies The University of Michigan. pp. 125-156., Traditional, irrigation, water distribution, ritual regulation. The Philippines. The case discusses the role and effects of the Tukukan Bontok ideational system in the management and distribution of water, specifically how ritual regulates social relationships to satisfactorily control individual access to irrigated land, water and labour under particular set of ecological constraints.
    The Bontok Region is located in Mountain Province of the Central Cordillera, northern Luzon. Connected to the Sierra Madre in Central Luzon, the Cordillera Central is the most extensive system of highlands in the Philippines. The people of the Cordillera Central inhabit some 24,000 sq km of northern Luzon, leaving narrow strip of coastal flatlands and foothills to the west and adjoining the agayan valley to the east. It is a broad, highly desiccated upland with peaks of more than 2,500 m in the south central area. Most of the central Cordillera lies above 1,000 m and thus forms a unique climatic, geographic and cultural region.
    In the present paper, the institutional arrangements existing in a village, ukukan have been discussed in detail.: The institution discussed in this paper is with the people belonging to a culture group called Bontok colture and represent one of the societies in the Central Cordillera cultivating wet rice in hillside terraces. They live in compact villages with populations ranging from 800 to 3, 000 persons and depend heavily for their subsistence on the cultivation of irrigated rice., Spatial: There are fifty-one localities with irrigated rice-terraces of varying sizes in the village of Tukukan. The approximate total land of irrigated land is less than 100 ha. According to the author's census in 1982, there are approximately 4,424 rice fields of different sizes around the village., all within territorial boundary of Tukukan. The geographical layout of the rice fields has been influenced by not only be the terrain and water source, but also by inheritance patterns.
    Social : Of the 4,424 rice fields, 1,358 belong to the kakachangyan (aristocrats) and 3,066 belong to non-kakachangyan. There are no villagers without at least a couple of rice-fields to till; there fore there are no landless villagers in Tukukan. Besides the rice fields, all villagers, as members of corporate groups, have ownership rights to communally held swidden land. Members of the irrigation associations are recruited by virtue of their being citizens of the village and descendants of original terrace-field owners. Membership in an irrigation association ranges from 37 to 275 families whose fields are scattered in different geographical locations. Rights to irrigation water are automatic for any owner of the rice field (whether inherited or purchased) and can not be acquired in any other way.
    Newly constructed fields adjacent or below older terraces are allowed to receive water from kus-sing turnouts (field spouts) originating from these older rice fields. It is a rule that no one is allowed to construct a new field above or close to the turnouts of main irrigation canals. Also, no owner of a new field is allowed to receive water before older rice-terrace owners have watered their fields, unless new fields are extensions of old terraces belonging to descendents of original owners. IIM: 301.3 C81996 Dec 7.
     
12. Rec# 28. Brouser, R 1995 Baldios and common property resource management in Portugal Unasylvia 46 FAO Rome, Baldios, chamados, zeladores. Portugal. The "baldios" are an ancient tradition in Portugal. The main components of the traditional management system of the "baldios" exclusion, zoning and allocation. The system provided a sort of social security for landless poor, who were permitted to pasture cattle and cultivate plots on a temporary basis and this was determined by the "chamados" (village council). Supervision of the implementation of the councils' ruling was entrusted to elected caretakers or"zeladores".As late as 1875, the baldios comprised of more than 4 million ha, but after the intervention of new state regime "Estado Novo" in 1933 (remained in power till 1974) the land was reduced to some 450 000 ha. The new state regime in order to strengthen the forestation, curtailed many traditional usufruct rights of the local people and forced many members to abandon herding or to emigrate. In 1966 the civil code was revised to abolish communal property and therefore the baldios ceased to exist for quite sometime. In 1974 a leftist military coup brought up this issue of baldios supporting the village councils so that they could restore their common property. Finally a law was passed in 1976 which returned the land to the original user communities : Such type of common property management is found in other Portuguese villages too, Spatial: Campea lies 15 km west of the district capital, Vila Real, in the eastern folds of the Serra do Marao. The municipality has an area of about 2500 ha. It consists of a wide basin, with a flat bed at 750 m above sea level, and the surrounding mountains with a height of 1400 m. The mountain slopes comprise about half of the municipality's area which are officially registered as common property.
    Social: The village have 12 territories, the inhabitants of each territory had their own village council. They elected a caretaker for themselves, who was supposed to look after the system within their territory. The territories were autonomous elements within the municipality.
    Access to the common could be gained in several ways: a) by being a full member of the community
    b) by tilling fields within the community's territory so that they be fertilized with manure
    c) by renting part of their land for grazing etc. According to the law passed in 1976, there were two specific prerequisites:
    1)The people should organize themselves in user groups, there will be a commoners assembly which would be the formal democratic representative of the villagers in common management affairs and the application of financial revenues generated on common land. the commoners assembly was required to elect a five member management council for day to day regulation of the exploitation of the commons
    A provision was introduced were the state would appoint a representative to the management council (like local forest guard ).The aim was to provide technical assistance in managing the forest and also to improve relation between the forest service and the local population which had deteriorated during the state regime (refer- Int)
    2)The second requirement was the recognition of the commoners' assembly and management council by the state. There was need for a process where more than one council could present itself to the state as the legal owner of a given piece of land for settlement of disputes. It was necessary to identify the groups for the restoring of the commons to their former owners. 1996 May-1996 May 31.
     
13. Rec# 300. Buzdar, Nek Property Rights Social Organisation and Resource Management in Northern Pakistan. East-West Center Honolulu 1988., Irrigation, Kuhl, Mir, Village Council, Pastoralism, Shepherds, Mountain Agriculture, Common Property, Cooperation, Alps, Alpine Grazing. Pakistan. This record describes the resource management systems set up in the Chipursan and Hoper valleys in Northern Pakistan.
    ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT: Chipursan and Hoper are located in one of the most mountaneous areas in the world, close to the Pamir Plateau - " The Roof of the World." The floor of Hoper Valley is at about 2.800 m. with surrounding peaks exceeding 7.000 m. Chipursan Valley is at about 3.200 m. with surrounding peaks up to 4.000 m. The climate is dry. Both valleys lie outside the monsoon zone, in the rain shadow of the mountains. Mean annual rainfall is between 100 and 200 mm., a bit lower in Chipursan than in Hoper. At higher altitudes rainfall is more. Rainfall supports the growth of juniper, shrubs and alpine pastures at heights exceeding 3500 m. In the high mountain areas, above 6.000 m. at least 2.000 mm of snow will fall, providing a valuable source of water for the valley.
    The area has large temperature differences during a year. In average 30 dgr. C is the difference between the coldest month, January, and the hottest, July.
    Cultivation is practiced on terraces and fans. The former is suitable for growing crops and the latter for forest and alpine pasture growth when water is available. Both valleys are single crop areas (NB: In the sense that in one year only one crop can be grown. Not monoculture). The active growth period extends from May till October, as soils are frozen the rest of the year. Crop raising depend on irrigation systems, where water originating from snowmelt and glaciers is diverted into channels ('Kuhls'). Mostly farmers practice mixed mountain agriculture. Crop land has  been developed adjacent to villages on river terraces and alluvial fans at the valley bottom or on the river banks. In Hoper Valley, the lower parts contain apricot and walnut orchards, and gradually trees are being planted in all other areas also. Because of the altitude, Chipursan is not well suited for fruit trees, but many farmers have planted some on their land. Cultivation in Hoper takes place at altitudes between 2500 and 3000 m. whereas in Chipursan crops are grown between 3000 m. and 3500 m. Therefore the growing season is longer in Hoper than in Chipursan.
    For grazing their herds, people in Chipursan and Hoper practice what could be called vertical migration. That is, various microenvironments at different altitudinal levels are exploited. Some land in the lower areas, at the level of valley bottom crop lands, which are not irrigated are used as pasture or forestland. But most pastures (alpine pasture or forest land) are located at heights above 3500 m. None of these lands are supported by irrigation.
    SOCIAL CONTEXT: The villagers claim a common ancestry, though Mongolian, South-Asian and Caucasian ethnic characteristics are found in all villages of the region. Chipursan valley has seven main villages and is inhabited by Waakhi speaking people who belong to the Ismailia sect of Islam and are followers of Aga Khan. With 186 households, the total population of Chipursan is app. 1500 people (mid-'80es). Hoper has five main villages and is inhabited by Brushaski speaking people who belong to Shia Islam. The valley has a total population of app. 3000 people.
    The farmers are mostly subsistence farmers with small landholdings and small herd sizes. Based on surveys and interviews the average household ownership of cultivated land is reported to be 4.3 acres in Hoper and 2.7 acres in Chipursan. Corresponding figures for animals raised by a households are 18 and 35. It is not reported whether similar arrangements can be found elsewhere. The institutions are concurrent.,
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: The villagers in Chipursan and Hoper Valley.
    SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: Private and common property belonging to the villagers. Traditionally the villages have been governed by the Mir. The main concern of the Mir was tax collection. The Mir appointed village heads, 'Trangpa''s, who were supposed to be good resource managers rather than administrators. The 'Trangpa's appointed a number of 'Oyom' to constitute village advisory councils called 'Oyoko'. All important resource management related decisions, as well as conflict resolution, were the responsibility of these village councils. The Mirdom was abolished by the Government of Pakistan in Nagar and Hunza States in '72 and '74. But the social organization of the village remained unchanged. Since then, village representatives have been elected at the local level under the government union council system, and the religious organization created branches at the village level in the Ismailia areas. The traditional organization, the newly elected leadership and the religious organizations are reported to work in harmony with one another.
    The 'Trangpa' coordinates the key agricultural and pastoral activities within the village and between villages. The activities are more or less the same each year, but due to the instability of the weather, timing of activities is very important. A few days' delay in sowing may affect the crop yield and maturity. In Chipursan, the crop rarely gets the sunshine required for complete maturity. Early in the agricultural year (April\May), the 'Oyoko' meets in continuous sessions to decide the timing of field operation, sowing and herd departure from the village. When the final decision is made on the date of departure and field sowing, it is conveyed to all the villagers. Generally, each village has more than one pasture subdivided into different altitudinal levels. Therefore, the 'Oyoko' assigns each village member to a specific pasture and determines the length of the stay and departure from different altitudinal levels. Schedules can be changed if weather conditions require it. The animal departure date is enforced at both ends of the crop year. No animals are allowed to stay in the village after the departure date and no animals are allowed in the pastures before the appointed dates. If animals remain in the village and trespass into someone else's field, the violator will be fined 3 - 10 rupees (depending on the type of animal. Fines for subsequent violations are progressively raised. Taking a herd to a common pasture before the agreed date is also heavily punished. At one such incident a shepherd, who had taken his herd to the common pasture before the agreed date, had three of his goats slaughtered on the spot, and the meat was distributed among the residents of the six villages who had ownership rights over the pasture.
    MAINTENANCE: Channel construction and maintenance of the irrigation system as such are based on village households, irrespective of holding size. Customary rules require each household to provide equal labour time for 'kuhl' (channel) maintenance. No letter sent. Residential address as pr. 1991: 1532 Shasta Way, Placentia, California 92670-2936. ed. CPR B-09.20596.
     
14. Rec# 16. Chakraborty, Falguni 1986 The Santal of Puniyasasan A Study of Techno-economic Adaptation to Hill-forest Environment Journal of Indian Anthropology 21 1 pp 36-56, Traditional, Santal, Rice. West Bengal. The Santals are recognised as a scheduled tribe in the states of Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal and Tripura. The present case study describes a Santal tribe from Puniyasasan village who consider their own ethnic group as "Hor"(men) and others as "Diku"(non-men, foreigners). They consider themselves as people of hills (Pahar) in contrast to the people of the plains. There are 24 families/households and 157 persons in Puniyasasan (refer Table 1).The villagers broadly prepare three kinds of agricultural land: Bargey (homestead land); Gora (highland field), and Khet (kinds of wet rice). The cultivated lands are situated around their settlements. It is mainly for resisting wild elephants and wild pigs which destroy crops that the villagers prepare their cultivable land in an area which could come under their close supervision. For this reason they do not try to possess any land within the jurisdiction of other village : Spatial: The village is situated on top of the Ajodhya village in Purulia district. In the south-western part of Purulia dist. Ajodhya range forms the main highland region of the district. It acts as an watershed between the Kangshabeti and Subarnarekha rivers. The top soil of the range is composed of hard, dry, ferruginous gravel and many of the lower levels in between the valleys are filled with good alluvial soil and produce a fine rice crop. The hill covering an area of about 320 sq km, have an average elevation of 540 meters
    Social: Most of the agricultural lands of the people of Puniyasasan village were prepared by illegally reclaiming the forest areas belonging to the Govt., hence there is a wide gulf between the extents of land recorded in the Land Revenue Office of Baghmundi and the lands which are actually cultivated by the villagers and are in their traditional possession. The villagers measure their lands in terms of the amount of seeds sown. Although they are aware of the amount of seed sown in each plot, they are unable to describe the real amount of land
    All the families in Puniyasasan do not own plough harnessing bullocks. Those who do not have, hire bullocks usually from their own kins (both within and outside the village, otherwise non-kins on contract basis in lieu of specific negotiable amount of paddy, this sort of contract is locally termed "Bahicha"Ecol/Env:C-161996 Apr-1996 Apr 30.
     
15. Rec# 30. Charnley, Susan and 1996 "Pastoralism and the Demise of Communal Property in Tanzania " Cultural Survival, 20 1 pp 41-44, Pastoralism, semi-arid, livestock, Sangu. Tanzania. The Usangu plains in southwestern Tanzania are the homelands of Sangu peoples (of Bantu origin) The northern half of the plains is largely uninhabited due to bad ecological conditions. It is in the southern half of the plains, the pastoral and agricultural activities are concentrated. The vast grasslands, numerous watercourses and dry season swamps make the plains favorable for livestock herding. The flat plains with their fertile soils and many rivers are well suited to irrigation. Between the mid-1800s and the mid-1900s, the Sangu people were rich in cattle, sheep and goats. While they maintained a pastoral economy, they also practiced some rain-fed cultivation. Not reported, Spatial: The semi-arid Usangu plains of southwestern Tanzania covers an area of approx. 15,500 sq. km.
    Social: The Sangu held Usangu's rangelands under a system of communal property. Rights to use resources were based on residence, which in turn depended upon ethnically identifying as Sangu. Non-Sangu Africans could be denied the right to settle on the plains by the Sangu Chief . Resource use was controlled by local headmen and the Chief
    * Grul not mentioned in detail in the text. Letter sent: Response received ed. Cultural Survival 20(1)1996 Jul 30-1996 Jul 30.
     
16. Rec# 14. Cruz, Ma. Concepcion J 1989 Water as Common property The case of Irrigation Water rights in the Philippines in Common Property Resources ed. Fikret Berkes Belhaven Press London, Traditional, Irrigation, Zanjeras, Maestro, Ammuyo, Lakay. Philippines. This case study of water rights is between a federation of 2 irrigation associations (Zanjeras), The Integrated Communal Irrigation System (ICIS) with a legal water right covering two municipalities and 13 villages and three unfederated associations (Zanjeras): Curarig, Dihua and Camongao without water rights. The ICIS holds the legal water permit from the National Water Resources Council (NWRC) for a total discharge of 2800 lps. However there are several unregistered users who draw water directly from the Baccara-Vintar river system. The three Zanjeras of Curarig, Dihua and Camongao have been users of this category. While they have no claim in the water, their rights as water users were established by a long standing "prior rights" : There are numerous cases of water sharing in other parts of Philippines that have existed in eighteenth century, Spatial: The site is located in the downstream of segment of the Baccara-Vintar River system, province of Ilecos Norte, Northern Philippines
    Social: Not clearly reported in the text . There are three levels of collective control for using water among Zanjeras. 1)Panlakayen or board of directors, which determines the enforcement procedures across municipal or administrative boundaries. The "panlakayen" officers apply for water permits from the NWRC on behalf of the association and supervise follow up of the application. They also coordinate administration of the water permit with other users along the river, which involves creating suitable rotation schedule for the different associations of the federation and settling water rights conflicts among minor member associations
    2)The Maestro or supervisor, who controls the activities of working groups which are defined at the canal level, each working group is composed of four to ten farmers sharing a common canal. Membership is based either on kinship ties or on the labour-exchange grouping called the "ammuyo".In many of the affiliated "zanjeras", ammuyo members engage in an equal exchange of labour hours for cultivation work. "Maestro", assigns canal- cleaning and repair work to different ammuyo clusters
    3)The third level of water control is at the canal segment or cluster of farm parcels The "lakays" or farm elders provide function of mediator for problems related to water use below the canal turn-out . 333.72-C6 (IIM-Library)1996 Apr-1996 Apr 30.
     
17. Rec# 60. Dani, Anis A. & Siddiqi Najma Institutional Innovations in Irrigation Management A Case Study from Northern Pakistan. paper prepared for International Conference on Public Intervention in Farmer Managed Irrigation Systems International Irrigation Management Institute Kathmandu Nepal August 3-8 1986., Irrigation Management, Kuhls, Population Growth, Lineage, Infrastructure, Market access, Orchards. Pakistan. Aliabad is a village of 337 households (1986), located in the Hunza Valley at an altitude of 2200m. Agricultural crops, fruit- and fuel wood trees are entirely dependent upon irrigation. Water comes from a glacial stream through "kuhls" - a combination of channels and tunnels (in landslide prone areas.). The Kuhls and the water they provide, is shared with two other villages; Karimabad and Hyderabad. Karimabad is located upstream, Hyderabad in the middle and Aliabad downstream. Together, the villages have set up rules for allocation of water and maintenance of Kuhls but each village might have its own rules for water allocation within the community. This record describes the institution set up for coordinating irrigation management at the kuhl-level - the whole irrigation community including all of the 3 villages - but it also pays specific attention to the institution set up at village level in Aliabad. Some of the Kuhl's in the area are reported to be more than one hundred years old - from the 1880'es. This was also the time of the original settlement in Aliabad.: Geographic and historical coverage is not reported. The institution is concurrent., Social boundaries: The rules of this institution partly work at kuhl-level, but each village has set up further mechanisms for regulation and governance at village level. The village level examples apply for the village of Aliabad. From 1953 up to 1985, a "Jirga", council, for irrigation management was founded. Jirga's was set up at three levels; Kuhl-level, village level and lineage or neighbourhood level, covering lineages within the village. At village level, the Jirga had 16 members representing all segments of water-users from the Aliabad subsystem. The Jirga functioned as sanctioning body, supervisor and it was also the forum for conflict resolution. The Jirga system was maintained until 1985 when it was replaced by the Volunteer Corps of Ismailia community (All residents of Aliabad are Ismailia). The VC was assigned to supervise and manage the distribution of water and control the length of the kuhls. The VC has 76 members, of which 40 works actively. Each household pay 100 rp. p.a. to the VC which goes into the VC-fund. The replacement of the Jirga by the VC has only affected supervision and monitoring of the irrigation system, the ways of distributing water and maintaining the kuhls have remained.
    MAINTENANCE RULES: The three villages cooperate in maintaining the kuhls and they have set up the following rules for maintenance. Kuhls are cleaned and repaired each year at the end of May. All households in the villages should participate in this activity. If a household do not wish to contribute labour, it can compensate by paying cash (1985: 300rp.) Each subsection (village) of the irrigation community has a part of the kuhl to repair. During the season someone (no further description) will have the responsibility of controlling the length of the kuhl, while taking care of minor repairs. If there are significant breaches, the user group will be mobilized for repairing. However, this mobilization will only include downstream users. E.g. Karimabad, being located at the top of the system, can mobilize help from both Hyderabad and Aliabad, Hyderabad can only mobilize help from Aliabad, and Aliabad will have to manage alone. No letter sent. Could request address of Ms. Siddiqi from Aga Khan Rural Support Program. Anis A. Dani, International Center for Integrated Mountain Development, Kathmandu, Nepal. Najma Siddiqi, Aga Khan Rural Support Program, Gilgit. ed. CPR. D.06.-6212.
       
18. Rec# 11. Dani, Anis A and Siddiqi, Najma Institutional Innovations in Irrigation Management A case study from Pakistan Paper prepared for International Conference on Public Intervention in Farmer managed Irrigation System at Kathmandu Nepal August 3-8 1986, Traditional, Irrigation, Wheat, Kuhl. Pakistan ( Northern). Aliabad is located in Hunza valley,100 kms beyond Gilgit and slightly more than 700 kms from Islamabad along the Karakoram highway. Aliabad shares the irrigation system with Baltit and Hyderabad. Two smaller settlements -Dorkhand and Aga khanbad also comes within the sub system management levelof Aliabad. Residents of these villages are from the same lineages as those of Aliabad but they migrated from Ganish village. Not only agricultural crops even fruit and fuel wood trees are entirely dependent on irrigation. Wheat is the most important crop in Aliabad. With few exceptions landholdings are equitable. Traditionally, these lands are not alienable beyond the lineage. There is extremely low rainfall in this region. Glacial melt is tapped and carried through indigenous channels, locally called as "kuhl",Aliabad is irrigated through three kuhls: Samarkand, Barbar and Harchi,where Samarkand is the major kuhl divided into four secondary channels: Dalah, Makuchim, Chooshihar and Peer : Not reported, Spatial: Aliabad is located in Hunza valley,100 kms beyond Gilgit and slightly more than 700 kms from Islamabad along the Karakoram highway. Baltit is located at an altitude of 2405 meters, Aliabad proper being approx 200 meters lower
    Social: The rules of this institution partly work at kuhl level, but each village has set up mechanisms for regulation and governance at village level
    The relationship of water rights to land tenure varies according to the situation. In Aliabad water rights are directly linked to rights over land, allocation of water varies with land use. Wheat has top priority, with alfaalfa as winter fodder for livestock, as second. Fruit orchards come next, with plantations of multipurpose tree interplanted with grasses at the last. Trees have junior rights to water while wheat and alfaalfa have senior rights when planted on croplands. From 1953 to 1985 a council"jirga" was formed for irrigation management. Jirga was set up at three levels; village level, kuhl level and lineage level. It consisted of sixteen members representing all segments of water users from the Aliabad sub-system. It acted as the sanctioning body and had a supervisory role. Aliabad's share of water was now allocated to fields on a rotational basis
    Maintenance: Each kuhl is cleared and repaired at the end of May. Every households in the villages is required to participate in this annual maintenance. If any household cannot or do not wish to contribute may compensate by paying cash (Rs 300 :1985).The kuhl is divided into portions which are allocated to sub-sections of the irrigation community for repair. Minor repairs during the course of the season are done by those responsible for patrolling the length of the kuhl, but in case of any significant breach, the user group will be mobilized for repairing, but this mobilization will include only downstream users. CPR:D061996 Mar 28-1996 Mar 28.
     
19. Rec# 260. Dorm-Adzobu, Clement & Veit Peter G. Religious Beliefs and Environmental Protection The Malshegu Sacred Grove in Northern Ghana. Ground Up case study series no. 4 ACTS Press African Centre for Technology Studies Nairobi 1991., Forest Degradation, Sacred Grove, Reserves, Gene Banks, Religion, Biodiversity, Resource Degradation, Drought, Arid Area, Fetish. Ghana. The people of Malshegu are deeply influenced by traditional religous leaders, institutions, beliefs and practices. They have managed to protect and maintain a sacred grove of 0.8 ha close to their village for nearly three centuries. The sacred grove has become a refuge for a large variety of fauna and flora - numerous native species are found in higher concentrations than anywhere else in the region. It provides seeds and seed dispersers which are vital to traditional shifting cultivation practices and herbs for local medicinal, social and religous purposes. Also, it protects the village from bushfires, wind and rainstorms and other climatic hazards from the south.
    ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT: The Malshegu community is located six kilometers north of Tamale, the capitol of the Northern region in Ghana. The area is not densely populated with human settlements, but cattle are numerous. Malshegu is surrounded by open lands, primarily used for grazing and, to some extent, agriculture. The land is classified as Guinea Savannah. The predominant natural vegetation consists of short perennial grasses interspersed with fire-resistant, deciduous broad leaved trees. Many natural and planted trees are maintained for social, economic or religous value. Mean annual temperature is 27.9 degrees C. and the recorded rainfall range is between 900 - 1650 mm, with an annual average of 1070 mm. Rainfall occurs in one season, from May to October, and is followed by a long hot season. The area is prone to periodic droughts, most recently in '72-73, '76-77 and '82-83. There are no surface rivers or streams nearby Malshegu, but some untapped shallow groundwater resources. Only permanent water source is a standpipe in the village from the Tamale Water Station. Few houses have rainwater collection systems. The soils are classified as Savannah ochrosols. They have low agricultural potential, and are highly susceptible to water and wind erosion.
    HISTORY AND SOCIAL CONTEXT: The people in Malshegu belong to the Dagbani ethnic group. They arrived to the area in the 12th century. In the early 18th century, the Malshegu settlement as such came into existence. Several families moved nearer each other to defend themselves from Arab invaders. The main Trans-Sahara route was less than two kilometers from the current settlement and farm compounds - typically four to five nuclear families will share a compound with walls around it - were frequent targets for both slave and livestock raiding. Other families joined the community as they saw the advantages of living together. At the time of the study, the population of Malshegu was estimated at 2000 people and growing due to an influx of immigrants from Tamale. Most young men and women, though, migrate to urban centers to find manual wage labour. The dominant economic activity in Malshegu is agriculture mixed with animal husbandry. Main crops are guinea corn and vegetables (pepper and okra), additional crops are maize, yams, groundnuts, cowpeas and beans. Soil fertility is maintained by using animal manure and night soil by practicing traditional intercropping and crop rotation techniques and by allowing a six-month fallow period during the dry season. Sacred groves are scattered around Ghana (and in other parts of the world also). In a Ghanian context the success of maintaining the grove in Malshegu is unique. It is the largest sacred grove in the Northern Region and it is one of the countries most important groves from a socio-cultural perspective. The institution is concurrent.
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: It is not clear, but it seems that everybody, even people who are not residents of the village, are allowed to make use of the grove in accordance with the rules set up by the worshippers of Kpalevorgu, the god residing in the grove.
    SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The grove occupies an area of 0.8 ha outside Malshegu. Surrounding the grove there is a buffer fetish land, a band varying from one-quarter to half-a kilometer width.
    RELIGIOUS: When the community was first established it was under the leadership of a fetish priest. The story goes, that the founding families routed the Arab slave raiders in their first battles and it is believed that a fetish god - Kpalevorgu, in the form of a boulder under a Baobab tree - helped and protected the families from the invaders. The early victories encouraged other families to move to Malshegu, and the power and importance of Kpalevorgu increased. Kpalevorgu is the community level god in a complex traditional hierarchy of gods and religious practices found in this region of Ghana. A supreme god, considered male, is creator of all things and is worshipped by all people. The land, considered female, is the second most powerful god.
    The Tindana, a woman custodian of the land, responsible for distributing common land, is the community's most powerful religious leader.
    Second most powerful in the local community is the Kpalna, but his authority supersedes the Tindana on matters concerning the sacred grove and its protection. He leads the community in honoring Kpalevorgu and advises the village leaders and residents on religious issues concerning the community.
    Malshegu people will also establish and worship compound and individual level gods. These practices are reported to strengthen the local belief in the traditional religion and add to the reverence afforded to the Kpalevorgu god and its grove.
    Twice a year, the Kpalna, aided by the village chief and other local leaders, organizes a grand Durbar - a village wide meeting - and leads the community in prayer and various rituals in honor of Kpalevorgu. These festivals mark the beginning (May) and end (October) of the agricultural season. They are designed to give thanks to Kpalevorgu for the community's prosperity and to solicit continued blessings. Residents from Malshegu and neighbouring communities will participate in the festival. During these festivals villagers are permitted to enter the grove to do some hunting and collection of forest resources (see Res A). At the end of the ceremony marking the end of the farming season, a three meter wide fire belt is cleared around the sacred grove and fetish lands by the young men supervised by the Kpalna, in order to protect the sacred grove from the annual dry season bush fires.
    The remaining part of the year, only the Kpalna is allowed to enter the grove.
    When the grove was first demarcated, unwritten regulations were put in place by the Kpalna and other village leaders regarding land use in and around the grove. Some of these rules have been amended to ensure their continued relevance and effectiveness. Today they protect the fetish lands and the original grove by regulating the behavior of the people of Malshegu and, to some extent, the residents of neighbouring communities. All kinds of farming and grazing in the grove and the fetish lands are prohibited. Entrance into the grove and fetish lands is only permitted during the biannual Durbar's or on other occasions with advance consent of the Kpalna and other village leaders. Only the Kpalna and his aides have regular access to the grove and fetish lands and regularly visit the grove to pray to Kpalevorgu on behalf of the community.
    Sanctions or offending the grove are both sacred and secular of nature. As for sanctions of sacred nature, failure to comply with the rules protecting the grove, or to participate in the biannual Durbar's, is believed to offend Kpalevorgu and bring misfortune to the offender, his family or perhaps the whole community. This belief is supported by stories of people (including one American) who violated the sanctity of the god and established residency in the grazing zone, fetish lands or the grove. These people soon fell ill, went insane or died. As for sanctions which are more of secular natur, community vigilance, under the Kpalna's direction, is well entrenched and effective. It is nearly impossible for anybody to enter the grove without being detected, approached and reported to local authorities. The support of the village chief and other leaders from Malshegu and neighbouring communities ensures that the Kplana has the power needed to enforce rules. In the past offender were lynched, today they are fined several cows or goats, which are sacrificed by the Kpalna to appease Kpalevorgu. Fines on nonbelievers are paid by family members who still believe in the traditional religious system.
    Today Malshegu is subdivided into two sections. Kumbuyili is the cluster of houses around the compound of the Kpalna. In Malshegu, which is separated from Kumbuyili by several compound farms, the village chief resides. Letter sent 1-5-96. ed. CPR D-23-31648.
     
20. Rec# 10. Dorm-Adzobu, Clement and Veit, Peter G 1991 Community Institutions in Resource Management Agro forestry by Mobisquads in Ghana World Resources Institute and African Centre for Technology Studies U S A Kenya, Agro forestry, Traditional, Cassava, Maize, farming . Africa (Ghana). Goviefe-Agodome is one of five traditional Govie settlements. The Govie people belong to the we Ethnic group. In the 1870s or 1880s,Goviefe-Agodome became the third Govie group to distance itself from the traditional Govie settlement. The founders moved to the lowlands to open new farmland and to live near the road. They settled near a Borasus tree locally known as "Agor",from which came the name 'Agodome'-"the settlement under the tree" : Spatial:Goviefe-Agodome is situated in Hohoe District, Volta Region, it is at the base of the Akwapim-Togo mountain range. The area has rocks essentially sandstone. The soils are of low to medium agricultural potential with high iron content. The mean annual rainfall is 58 inches. The flatlands and foothills of Goviefe-Agodome are characterised by typical savannah grassland vegetation
    Social. Each Govie community is headed by a village chief who is selected by a council of elders from the extended family of the village. A regent, selected by the village chief, acts as a deputy chief and rules in his absence. The council ,which helps the chief decide local matters is made up of the leaders of the village clans. The "Okyeami",the spokesman for the village chief, regent and council of leaders receives and delivers official messages between the public and chieftaincy. The queen mother is the traditional leader of women villagers. There is another traditional custodian of peace, the "asafo" company, led by a man called an "asafoatse" organizes all young village men into communal work parties. In 1987 ,the Govt, established a separate Ministry of Mobilization and Social Welfare. The Ministry called for transformation of the mobisquads into agricultural co-operatives to help boost food production, improve the living conditions of squad members and other rural people. An executive committee was established in 1987 which heads the mobisquad. It is responsible for organizing weekly "durbars" for discussing current affairs, work plan, financial matters etc. The mobisquad operates all year long .Members work one half-day each week(7a.m to 1p.m) except during peak labor demand periods-planting and harvest periods when they may work 2-3 days each week. Men clear the land and women cook, collect water, and sell the crops; both men and women plant, weed and harvest.
    Sanction: Members who do not show up for work are fined. The fine for missing one day is usually two bottles of "akpeteshie",a local gin, valued at1,200 cedis. The gin is disbursed for refreshment on workdays; members pay villagers to prepare their food on full workdays . CPR:D241996 Mar 28-1996 Mar 28.
     
21. Rec# 12. Gadgil, M and Malhotra, K C 1983 Adaptive significance of the Indian caste system An ecological perspective Annals of Human Biology 10 5 465-478, Traditional, Caste, Hunting, Pastoralism. India. The case study reported here pertains to the Western half of the Maharashtra state. The society in this tract has low but stable agricultural productivity and is made up. of cultivators, pastoralists and hunter gatherers. The agriculture is productive only in the river valleys ,whereas the large tracts of uncultivated lands away from the valley is favourable for pastoralism and hunter gathering. During the four months of the monsoon, few nomadic castes namely Hatkars, Tirumal Nandiwallas, Fulmali Nandiwallas, Vaidus and Phasepardhis have their base villages in this semi-arid region. But otherwise the society is largely made up of Kunbis and Gavlis : Spatial: The western half of the state of Maharashtra has an undulating coastal strip varying from 50 to 80 Km wide, flanked by the hill chain of Western Ghats which rises abruptly to an altitude between 1000 and 1500 m. The Western Ghats merge through a series of broken hills with the Deccan Plateau at an elevation of 500 m. The annual rainfall here decreases from 3000 mm at the crestline to 1500-1000 mm at the edge of the plateau
    Social: The Kunbis live in the lower valleys, while the Gavlis lived on (still do) the upper hill terraces.
    Livestock:G-131996 Mar 29-1996 Mar 29.
     
22. Rec# 50. Gadgil, Madhav & Iyer Prema On the Diversification of Common Property Resource Use by Indian Society. in Fikret Berkes ed. Common Property Resources. Ecology and Community-Based Sustainable Development. p. p. 240-255 Belhaven Press London 1989., Conservation Rules, Colonial Rule, Caste, Common Property, Religion, Endogamous Groups, Decentralization, Van Panchayat, Forest Council. India. Indian Caste Society, crystallized around the fifth century AD, provided a resource management system by which particular castes of given communities only had access to certain resources, while more commonly used resources, such as fuel wood, were controlled by small multi-caste communities which linked different castes. In some areas, mostly rural, the system still has some influence.
    ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT: The study concentrates on a cluster of villages located at the mouth of the Aghanasani River. spurs of the hill range of the Western Ghats run all the way to the sea in this region, creating a rich mosaic of terrestrial, riparian, and coastal habitats with a great diversity of natural resources. The Caste system as such prevailed all over India, except from tribal areas. Today the importance of the system is decreasing. The institution is concurrent.,
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: Common Property land and resources belong to specific villages. Within the villages, specific groups (castes) will have exclusive access to harvest specific resources, which can then be exchanged among the groups.
    SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: A cluster of villages in Uttara Kannada. The Caste system is embedded in religious and traditional ways of life. How the system is governed today is not reported, but norms and rituals might play a major role in this context. Violation of the rules in the system are most likely to mean social exclusion. Letter sent, April '96. Indian Institute of Science, Malleswaram, Bangalore, 560 012, Karnataka. ed. CPR. B.31.-6212.
     
23. Rec# 4. Gill, Shepherd Common property rangelands in Somalia, Traditional, Livestock, Pastoralism. Somalia. Bay region's inhabitants are agro-pastoralists. They survive by the complimentarity of low risk trees and livestock component of their economy practiced on the region's poor sandy soils and high risk sorghum cropping in the clay soils. Sorghum stalks are stored as emergency fodder for cattle. Villagers mostly have to grow, gather or make what they need : Spatial: Bay region is an area of Southern Somalia lying 300km inland from Mogadishu. It is region of higher rainfall than the rest part of Somalia  (Average 500-600mm).Social: Reciprocal grazing occurs by request and neighbouring villages are supposed to ask each other's permission before cutting pole wood in others terrain. The resources are protected by paid Government officials. CPR-G091996 Mar 21-1996 Mar 21.
     
24. Rec# 13. Gueye, Mamadou Bara 1994 Conflicts and Alliances between farmers and herders A case study of the 'Goll' of Fandene village Senegal IIED London, Traditional,Crop. Senegal. This case study describes a village in the Western groundnut growing basin of Senegal, Fandene. Here the people are mainly farmers. There is a pastoral enclave within the lands of Fandene village. The herders moved in some 30 years ago into a land known as 'Goll', abandoned by farmers as a result of harsh climatic conditions. The land comprises of three types of soil: sandy "dior"soil (south-eastern part) ; sandy/clayey "deck dior" soil  (central part) and ferruginous soils (north) unsuitable for cultivation. The name of the area ( goll means forest in Serere) shows that it used to be covered in trees, but now it is transformed into shrubby savannah. Having been left uncultivated for several decades, it was gradually taken over by herders for pastoral purposes. There are now two Peuhl (Fulani) settlements, Mbayene Peuhl and Fouta Goll in this zone. Social: The Peuhl stayed only during the rainy season, moving on to richer areas of pasture in the dry season. There is a water hole in this area, in the dry season few of the Peuhl became involved in small-scale market gardening, using water from the well.
    The mobile nature of pastoral activity has always passed a problem in marking out a pastoral area belonging to a herder community, although long term occupation gave the herders a sense of belonging to the area but their informal contract with the former owners prevented them from making any type of concrete investment e.g.; planting of trees which could mean as if they were seeking to appropriate the land for themselves . The Rural Council has control over the allocation of land and also its withdrawal in the Rural community . Livestock:G-211996 Mar 30-1996 Mar 30.
     
25. Rec# 20. Gupta, Anil K Sociology of Stress Why do Common Property Resource Management Projects Fail Centre of Management in Agriculture IIM Ahmedabad Summer school-Programme material, Traditional, Pastoral, Auran. India (Jodhpur). Under a World Bank project for development of drought prone areas, 100 hectare sheep and pasture development plots were established in 1974 in Jodhpur dist. The key objectives was the organization of a cooperative of the weaker sections of sheep breeders. This place had a livestock population of 1.89 million in 1971.The mean rainfall ranges from 425 mm in the southeast to about 200 mm in the northwest. Traditionally, the private fallow lands were also treated as common land, but cultivators have begun objecting to the use of their fallow lands by other pastoralists. Initially the most degraded land was selected for improvement. It was expected that after the full development of the plots, a maximum of 400 sheep could be maintained on a year round basis in each plot. One of the first pasture plots established on degraded auran lands in Bhawad village was selected for a detailed study. In these lands, grazing was restricted, People restrained from using auran land for any individual purposes because the land was dedicated to various gods and goddesses respected in the region; the use of any water source was also restricted
    The soils here are shallow, poorly drained, saline and alkaline in nature with very low organic matter. Because of excessive grazing pressure, coarse grasses as Aristida spp. and herbs, Techrosis spp. are dominant in the area : Spatial:
    Social: A member of a sheep and pasture development project was required to be a resident of that village and to be a sheep breeder. His application had to be approved by the majority of the management committee, and he should purchase atleast one share. A preference was given to small, marginal farmers and agricultural labourers, a return of 25 percent was assured to every shareholder. Individual members provided a sheep in lieu of the share capital so that they would have greater attachment to the project
    The sheep and wool deptt. of the state govt. had appointed stockmen at each plot to take care of the health of the animals and to protect against unauthorized intrusions . The president of the management committee of the pasture plot, who is one of the richest person of the area, was also the village headman, vice president of the dairy co-operative, and exercised influence over almost every other social activity. He belonged to the Rajput caste, which dominates the panchayat
    The management group, composed of three govt. representatives and four members of the society, was supposed to be representative of and accountable to all the members . CPR: 00-261996 Apr-1996 Apr 30.
     
26. Rec# 31. Gupta, Anil K and Gangadharn, V 1982 Socio-Ecology of a Tribe The Chenchu A food gathering tribe in Andhra Pradesh, Traditional, Food gathering, honey collection, hunting . Andhra Pradesh (Kurnool dist.). The Chenchus are spread over in small habitation dispersed over the western and southern stretches of the Nallamalai hills mostly in isolated groups. The Nallamalai hills form a part of Eastern Ghats in Andhra Pradesh. The Chenchu gudems (habitation) are spread over these forest cover hills on both sides of river Krishna. The northern side falling in the Telangana area in Mahbubnagar and Nalgonda districts and the southern side in the Rayalseema and Andhra area, mostly in Kurnool and Guntur districts.
    It is believed that the chenchus inhabited this area much earlier then the Dravidians, they were referred to as Adi-chenchus. The total population of the Chenchu was about 25,000 as per 1971 census, and a bulk of this population is inhabiting the forest areas of Kurnool, Ongole, Guntur and Mahboobnagar districts
    Mannanoor is a multicaste village, people have migrated from the plains and settled at this place. Mananor is situated somewhere in between Srisailam-the Shaivite pilgrim centre and Hyderabad. The population of the village is approx. 3,500 out of which 10% consists of chenchu population. Most of the chenchus depend on Agriculture labour, they also cultivate their own lands : Not reported, Spatial:
    Social: Altogether their are about eight honey deposit sites, but exclusive authority to collect honey from these sites had been vested on concerned families only. There were 15 exogamous group, out of which only three group had claim over the site ( Marripalli, Kanamoni, Dasari), no other group had any joint share or claim over any of the sites.
    Territorial Rights: The territorial rights belonged to two exogamous groups in the villages: Kanamoni and Marripalam. Other persons in the village had no right to collect minor forest product. To collect MFP from the territories one has to take a prior permission from the owners and then 1/4 part of his collection is given to the owners as a tribute . The owners hires labourers for honey collection from other places on daily wage basis or on contract. The chief collector gets Rs 20 extra, even if he is one among the owners. The owners of honey sites do not offer an equal share to all the members who participate (cf. Nagaluti). If there is no owner collector, labourers are employed on contract basis. The owners provide food for the labourers, the owner generally acts as as supervisor in the whole activity. The labourers are given Rs 3 as a daily wage. Letter sent ed. Anthropology:G-011996 Aug 23-1996 Aug 23.
     
27. Rec# 12. ---, Traditional, Food gathering, honey collection, hunting . Andhra Pradesh (Kurnool dist.). The Chenchus are spread over in small habitation dispersed over the western and southern stretches of the Nallamalai hills mostly in isolated groups. The Nallamalai hills form a part of Eastern Ghats in Andhra Pradesh. The Chenchu gudems (habitation) are spread over these forest cover hills on both sides of river Krishna. The northern side falling in the Telangana area in Mahboobnagar and Nalgonda districts and the southern side in the Rayalseema and Andhra area, mostly in Kurnool and Guntur districts.
    It is believed that the chenchus inhabited this area much earlier then the Dravidians, they were referred to as Adi-chenchus. The total population of the Chenchu was about 25,000 as per 1971 census, and a bulk of this population is inhabiting the forest areas of Kurnool, Ongole, Guntur and Mahboobnagar districts
    The Nallamalai have a continuous range of unbroken, rugged and fairly steep hills with an average elevation of 2,000 running in north south directions. Three types of soil is found in this region: Black cotton, Alluvial soil (brown loamy) and red-brown soil
    Traditionally the chenchus are semi-nomadic food gatherers living in the forests, their main economic resource being the forest wealth. But now-a-days the staple food of the chenchus is jowar and rice, supplemented by some forest produce. Honey is one of the seasonal food stuffs which the chenchu collect with great interest and zeal
    The chenchu recognize five varieties of honey :
    1) PERRA: Found in big trees and gorges and ravines with big bees
    2)THODIDI:found in trees with red coloured bees
    3)ROSARA:found in the tree trunks with small and round bees
    4)KANNAGALLU:found in trees and bushes with small bees
    5)JANTI: Found in trees and palm trees with white strapped bees. This honey is supposed to be most delicious
    Out of the five variety, the first one is available in large quantities
    Nagalutigudem is situated near the foothills of Western part of Nallamalai hills of Kurnool district. Due to extensive deforestation and afforestation activities in and around , the ecological balance of this region got disturbed, which further affected the traditional food gathering and hunting of the chenchus of Nagaluti. Not reported, Spatial:
    Social: There are 42 households in the village formed into three groups. The village territory is sub-divided into three parts. The three groups in the village use these sub territories one each. Gum trees in each sub-territory are owned by individual families in each group There are two honey deposits in the village territory which are privately owned: the first one was owned by five households and the second one was owned by seven households. Total eight persons have the skill of collecting honey, out of which five persons are the owner of honey deposits.
    Collection of honey is something more than a mere subsistence activity, it is carried over in a very systematic and organised way. Several rules and regulations are strictly followed in order to avoid dangerous competitions and disruptive tendencies that may arise in claiming ownership of bee-lines.
    A chenchu can claim ownership over a particular bee-line by making a deep cut in the main stem of the tree or by planting a wet branch on the ground near the ant-hill or berth in which the honey-line is present. Besides certain trees , some locations in the mountains like cliffs or gorges or certain hills are customarily owned by few families. The sole authority to collect honey from these locations lies exclusively on the respective family members. The allotment of locations is said to have been done by the chenchu ancestors in order to maintain peace and solidarity among the people. Every location is associated with family deity, and it is a general belief that this safeguards the honey bee-line an kills the people who do not have any claim on it . There is a village leader appointed by the local forest officials, but his power is very much limited. He intervenes in some disputes to settle.
    Regarding the task involving honey collection, initiation is taken by one of the senior owners instead of village leader. All the owners have to contribute some money for the initial investment. Those who do not contribute will not be entitled for ownership share. One single owner can bear the whole initial investment and claim honey proportion to that amount All the owners distribute certain tasks like, for inviting members to act as chief honey collector or as helpers, purchase of food grains, contacting merchants etc. Therefore the honey collecting team, consists of both owners and other persons, the group size varies between 15 to 20 member, selection of the members are done according to their skill. The chief honey collector acts as the leader of the team. He assigns tasks to the members, but certain tasks like fixing up of the loop and ladder set-up is done by himself and his brother in law or some nearest relative. Owners generally do not supervise
    Maintenance: Theft of honey is considered to be a serious crime, in case there are any, they are traced out through proper investigation, religious performance. Letter sent ed. Anthropology:G-011996 Aug 17-1996 Aug 17.
       
28. Rec# 32. ---, Traditional, Food gathering, honey collection, hunting . Andhra Pradesh (Kurnool dist.). The Chenchus are spread over in small habitation dispersed over the western and southern stretches of the Nallamalai hills mostly in isolated groups. The Nallamalai hills form a part of Eastern Ghats in Andhra Pradesh. The Chenchu gudems (habitation) are spread over these forest cover hills on both sides of river Krishna. The northern side falling in the Telangana area in Mahboobnagar and Nalgonda districts and the southern side in the Rayalasama and Andhra area, mostly in Kurnool and Guntur districts.
    It is believed that the chenchus inhabited this area much earlier then the Dravidians, they were referred to as Adi-chenchus. The total population of the Chenchu was about 25,000 as per 1971 census, and a bulk of this population is inhabiting the forest areas of Kurnool, Ongole, Guntur and Mahboobnagar districts
    The Nallamalai have a continuous range of unbroken, rugged and fairly steep hills with an average elevation of 2,000 running in north south directions. Three types of soil is found in this region: Black cotton, Alluvial soil (brown loamy) and red-brown soil
    Traditionally the chenchus are semi-nomadic food gatherers living in the forests, their main economic resource being the forest wealth. But now-a-days the staple food of the chenchus is jowar and rice, supplemented by some forest produce. Honey is one of the seasonal food stuffs which the chenchu collect with great interest and zeal
    The chenchu recognize five varieties of honey :
    1) PERRA: Found in big trees and gorges and ravines with big bees
    2)THODIDI:found in trees with red coloured bees
    3)ROSARA:found in the tree trunks with small and round bees
    4)KANNAGALLU:found in trees and bushes with small bees
    5)JANTI: Found in trees and palm trees with white strapped bees. This honey is supposed to be most delicious
    Out of the five variety, the first one is available in large quantities
    Pedacheruvu is a large multi tribal village, inhabited by Chenchu, Sugali and Boya tribes. It is located in Atmakur, taluk of Kurnool district. The village is situated on a plateau with an average elevation of 2000 ft. consisting of a maze of rolling hills and flat valleys with a panoramic tank in the middle. The village is one of the biggest villages having a population of 519 with more than 100 chenchu families. Not reported, Spatial:
    Social: The village has more than 100 chenchu families. There are 14 honey deposit sites, most of them belong to Pulichula exogamous group. There were seven elders who had their own group. This was classified into two tier: secondary and tertiary
    A majority of members in the secondary group belong to the exogamous group of its leader whereas the members from tertiary group may belong to more than one exogamous group. The entire bulk of tertiary group is closely knitted through kinship ties. The secondary groups other than the one from which the leaders come, had their own leaders. Thaluri Pacchnagaddi Linganna, a middle aged person was the leader to the entire village, he is supposed to be the head of the gudem, but apart from him there are several other groups who have their own leaders.
    Operation: The whole operation of honey collection takes 4 days. The first day the people are engaged in worshipping the deity and preparing all the material required. Honey is extracted till fourth day morning, then in the evening work like squeezing honey, heating and transferring it into clean dried pots are accomplished . Anthropology: G-011996 Jun 28-1996 Jun 28.
     
29. Rec# 33. ---, Traditional, Food gathering, honey collection, hunting . Andhra Pradesh (Kurnool dist.). The Chenchus are spread over in small habitation dispersed over the western and southern stretches of the Nallamalai hills mostly in isolated groups. The Nallamalai hills form a part of Eastern Ghats in Andhra Pradesh. The Chenchu gudems (habitation) are spread over these forest cover hills on both sides of river Krishna. The northern side falling in the Telangana area in Mahboobnagar and Nalgonda districts and the southern side in the Rayalasama and Andhra area, mostly in Kurnool and Guntur districts.
    It is believed that the chenchus inhabited this area much earlier then the Dravidians, they were referred to as Adi-chenchus. The total population of the Chenchu was about 25,000 as per 1971 census, and a bulk of this population is inhabiting the forest areas of Kurnool, Ongole, Guntur and Mahboobnagar districts
    The Nallamalai have a continuous range of unbroken, rugged and fairly steep hills with an average elevation of 2,000 running in north south directions. Three types of soil is found in this region: Black cotton, Alluvial soil (brown loamy) and red-brown soil
    Traditionally the chenchus are semi-nomadic food gatherers living in the forests, their main economic resource being the forest wealth. But now-a-days the staple food of the chenchus is jowar and rice, supplemented by some forest produce. Honey is one of the seasonal food stuffs which the chenchu collect with great interest and zeal
    The chenchu recognize five varieties of honey :
    1) PERRA: Found in big trees and gorges and ravines with big bees
    2)THODIDI:found in trees with red coloured bees
    3)ROSARA:found in the tree trunks with small and round bees
    4)KANNAGALLU:found in trees and bushes with small bees
    5)JANTI: Found in trees and palm trees with white strapped bees. This honey is supposed to be most delicious
    Out of the five variety, the first one is available in large quantities
    Farahbad falls under the jurisdiction of Achampet Taluka in Mahbubnagar district. To reach this village one has to start either from Mannanoor or from Srisailam and get down at Chowrastra. From here a road leads into the forest which further bifurcates over a distance of 4 km towards east and northwest direction. The northwest path leads to Farahbad. Not reported, Spatial:
    Social: The village consisted of 12 huts (1982-at the time of survey) widely spread over an area of 4 acres in three groups. The three groups consisted of the following number of huts
    First group-------------2 headed by Eravala Lingaiah
    Second group------------4 headed by Thokala Godaiah
    Third group-------------6 headed by Thokala Linganna
    There were five exogamous groups: Eravala; Tokala; Kudumula; Chigurla; Nimanla. Each group is more or less closely knitted kin group. Maximum cooperation was observed among the members of each group than between groups. The village owned total nine honey deposit sites. All the honey sites were owned by Eravala and Thokala families. Eravala Lingaiah was the chief head for all the groups in the village. Though the honey sites were owned by two people only, they never claimed sole authority over them. The village had three separate groups, but many of the activities specially honey collection would involve all the families in the village.
    This gudem also had its own territory and the whole territory belonged to all Chenchu families and everybody was having equal rights over it. But actually the territory belonged to Pravala Linganna, who was more a guardian than a owner of the territory
    For day to day activities individual family was reported to be responsible. Generally wife and husband would go to the forest to collect some food materials. If in case one family fails to collect food materials, it would depend upon its neighbour but if the neighbours are also not in a position to offer any food stuff then they might ask for help from families of other groups .
    Operation: All the heads from all families participates in this expedition. Some strict religious observations are followed during the operation like 1) not using safety matches while making fibre 2)while taking food (sacred food...) a cloth is tied around the nose and mouth so that saliva or air from the nose would not pollute the food. Maximum cooperation would be required from the families in providing food for the honey collecting team
    There are nine honey deposits out of which two are found on trees, before collection of honey there is a discussion among all the heads of twelve families. They select persons who would collect honey and start fixing up each person to each honey deposit . Anthropology: G-011996 Sep-1996 Sep 30.
     
30. Rec# 29. Hogg, Richard and 1990 "An Institutional Approach To Pastoral Development: An Example From Ethiopia " Overseas Development Institute, London pp 1-16, Pastoralism, Clan, Territorial, Madda, Deda, Ardha, Aba warra, Gada, Kallu, Olla . Ethiopia (Africa). The ancestral home of Boran was probably in the Highlands of Bale. But because of population pressure they had moved to their present day homeland i.e.; Borana region. According to Boran, their spiritual leader is "kallu" who taught them how to sacrifice animals and instructed them in the "peace of Boran".
    GADDA: This is a generation system in which every 8 years a new set of men becomes responsible for maintaining "Peace of Boran" through prayer and sacrifice. A number of Gadda officials are appointed each 8 years who act as case settlers, law makers and ritual leaders.
    CLAN: Clansmen are expected to help other in times of hardship and to settle their disputes amicably at clan meetings. Clan leaders have no special power or authority, but in general have considerable moral authority to settle disputes, and to impose fines on wrong doers and even to seize property : Spatial: The area is approximately 33,849 sq km, and the population according to the 1984 National Census is 153,806, and the majority are Boran pastoralists. Pastoralism is the dominant economic activity in the area. According to a ground survey (1988), there are over a million cattle, some 450,000 small stock and nearly 80,000 camels in the area.
    Social: Not clearly mentioned in the text . The primary unit of organisation is the household. Households are grouped into villages, village into neighbourhoods, which may in turn form a larger grazing encampment.
    Villages may contain from a few houses to over 30 houses. The "senior man" known as the "father of the village" is the protector of the village interests and its representative to the outside world. He is the person from whom strangers seek hospitality and newcomers request permission to join. His position however is dependent on the support of the other village elders and in case of any disagreement they can join another village. Village members will cooperate together in the herding and watering of animals, in the sharing of goods and services and in settlement of disputes. People can move both into and out of a village, but generally there is a core of people who tend to stay together over a long period of time.
    The term for locality in which the Boran live is ARDHA, within one ARDHA there can be several villages. These villages come together to discuss issues relating to the ARDHA in an ARDHA council or KORA meeting. Localities are built up into wider territorial units called DEDA : an area of common grazing regularly used by a group of villages, which in turn forms MADDA: permanent water (refer fig 1 on pp.5)
    MADDA: Madda is essentially an area of grazing which is defined in terms of right of access and responsibility for the upkeep of particular wells. Within the madda area , herd owners are expected to obey the rules and regulations established by the madda council relating to the use and maintenance of the madda wells. At the time of crisis the herd owners who come from outside, unless they show good reason, may be denied access to madda wells. Most Boran live and water their animals in one madda. However, when grazing is scarce within the madda, all stockowners have the right to use grazing in other areas and will normally be allowed to use wells, if they seek permission.
    DEDA: These are grazing areas customarily used by a group of villages. Decisions are taken jointly by these villages regarding use of the deda. Council meetings are coordinated by the "senior man" of one of the villages in the deda to discuss grazing management. Although use of the deda is not restricted to those villages living within the boundaries, but decisions made by the council are binding on all users
    Boran rule by assembly, and different leaders have different competencies in different types of assembly. There are two kinds of assembly :i) assembly based on membership of a locality ii) assembly based on membership of a clan and/ or gadda system
    In the locality the main assemblies are those of the village, ARDHA and DEDA. All resident household heads can participate and air their views. Decisions are made by consensus and reference is constantly made to Boran customary law. If a consensus decision is impossible or one of the parties does not accept the decision, then the case can be passed to a clan assembly, or to higher gada officials. The ultimate assembly of appeal is the assembly of all Boran held every eight years . Past-Dev:H-03RS-25\06\96.
     
31. Rec# 320. Joshi field study, gauchar. India. Takhua is a small village on the border of Gujarat and Rajasthan in the Banaskantha district of Gujarat. Ecologically the region is characterised by an arid dry climate with sandy soil and low agricultural productivity. The vegetation of this area is dry thorny scrub with a predominance of the Acacia- Salvadora-Capparis series (after Meher-Homji) where Acacia nilotica forms the climax vegetation and Capparis decidua shrub forms the under storey or the secondary growth.
    There are about 40 households in the village and the main castes present are durbars, kumbhars, brahmins, darji, rabari, harijans, goswami and bhils. The durbars are the most dominant caste and it was in fact their initiative which resulted in the village coming together to conserve trees in the gauchar. Water is a severe limiting factor here and agriculture which is the main occupation of the people is mainly rainfed. Crops like bajra and jowar are produced in summer and sold in the markets of deesa and unjha and in winter a little quantity of wheat, isabgol, and jeera is grown. The total number of livestock in the village is approximately 750 animals divided as follows :
    cows and buffaloes - 150-200
    goats and sheep - 400-500
    camels - 1
    horse - 5
    In winter those villagers who have saline water in their wells cultivate in the lands of farmers having sweet water and crop profits are shared accordingly. In summer the main activity of the villagers is to carry out weeding operations, cleaning the fields, rebuilding and repairing the homesteads.: There are similar institutions in the Bishnoi villages of neighbouring Rajasthan which have been there for three centuries or so. However, in the same district there are no records of such an institution., Social boundaries : There is no bar on anybody for entering or making use of the common grazing land, people of all caste groups are allowed to make use of or get the benefit of the gauchar trees ( grazing, collection of fruits, cutting of Prosopis)
    Spatial boundary: The area of the gauchar is 120 acres in area. However, the total geographical area covered by the institution is unknown. The rules are :
    1 No one from the village or outside is allowed to cut any tree or damage any tree in the gauchar or the road leading to it except the Ganda baval tree.
    2. Ganda baval trees can be cut by anyone from the village.
    3. Fruits and flowers can be collected by anyone without damaging the trees or plants in the gauchar.
    4. No animal can be hurt or killed in the gauchar.
    5. If anyone is found cutting any tree then the observer should report the crime to the other villager and the person cutting the tree would be penalised.
    6. Penalty for cutting is to donate the tree and a certain quantity of grain to the village community.
    7. Cattle are allowed to graze there without any restrictions.
     
32. Rec# 34. Kapoor, Britts Charla, Van-panchayat, bakhli, goth . Uttar Pradesh (Kumaun). Situated in the north-eastern corner of Ramgarh block the village exists in a mountainous terrain at altitudes ranging between 1,400 and 1,800 meters. The village is about 10 hours (by car) from Delhi, and roughly equidistant to Nainital and Almora. This is a small, entirely Hindu village, about 91 percent of the population here is Thakur with only four Arya ( a scheduled caste group ) households. Kilmora contains 46 households with a total population of 313 persons. The older houses occupy the lower, warmer and more fertile regions of the valley but the newer homes do not have this luxury. The older houses are built in the form of joint family house "bacilli" and can be easily spotted out by their fine wood carving on doors and around windows . They are fairly large in size and are two storied, livestock occupy a room on the ground floor "goth". Other rooms at this level contain crop residues and seeds for agriculture. In the upper floor "paeri chaakh" there are separate room for sleeping, a shrine and a kitchen. All families in Kilmora keep animals, they own at least one buffalo, one bullock, several goats and one cow. 1996 Sep 17-1996 Sep 17.
     
33. Rec# 240. Lansing, J. Stephen Balinese 'Water Temples' and the Management of Irrigation. American Anthropologist p. p. 326-340 1987., Ceremonies, Rituals, Nyungsung, Religion, Pest Control, Rice Terraces, Artificial Ecosystems. Indonesia. THE AREA: Rice is the main crop.
    THE ECO-SYSTEM: In the Balinese rice terrace, irrigation water is not merely thought to be absorbed by the roots of plants. Rather, it is used to create an artificial ecosystem. Basic biochemical processes are governed by controlled irrigation. Water alters soil pH, induces a cycle of acrobic and anacrobic conditions in the soil, which determines the activity of microorganisms, provides a range of mineral nutrients, fosters the growth of nitrogen-fixing algaes, excludes weeds, stabilizes soil temperature, and, in the long term, governs the formation of the plough pan and the maintenance of soil fertility. The Balinese do not use storage devices in their irrigation systems. Therefore the success of irrigation depends heavily on an accurate judgment of the seasonal flow of rivers and springs. Small differences in water depth or changes in timing the alternation of wet and dry cycles can have a major effect on the terrace ecosystem, directly affecting the crop yields.
    CROP MANAGEMENT: A critical stage of rice is when the plants are 'pregnant'; when the growing panicle causes the rice to swell. At this stage the reproductive phase starts and the rice requires water for developing the panicle and sunlight afterwards. This stage is reached at the end of the rainy season - normally in the beginning of March according to the Gregorian calendar. As the primary rice variety used requires 200 - 210 days before being ready to harvest, harvest will take place in September when the rainfall is low and the sunlight required for drying the rice is present. After the harvest a period of fallow will follow which interrupts the food supply of major rice pests such as insects, rodents, bacterial and viral diseases. After the fallow a secondary crop will be grown of a rice species which only requires 120 days to mature. As this only leaves a short period of fallow, about one month, it is necessary that the whole region harvests, and thus sow, their crop at the same time, to assure that the pests cannot simply migrate from one field to another. The system is used all over Bali. The institution is concurrent., SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The irrigation community and its sub-communities is marked by temples. Taken from the top and downwards, the primary water temple in Bali is Pura Ulun Batur, located along the rim of the crater of Lake Batur. The Temple keeps a list of 204 "subaks", sub-communities, which constitute the primary congregation of the temple. The subaks are all located within the boundaries of four rivers, and they all believe that the goddess of Lake Batur is responsible for the gift of water they receive in their fields. Pura Ulun Batur marks the water source of the entire irrigation system. Where a major canal from the source reach a set of terraces, this is marked by a Ulun Swi Temple (Head of The Terraces). Occasionally, division of waters from the Ulun Swi will be marked by Masceti temples. Where the water is lead into a set of fields, an Ulun Carik (Head of the Fields) temple is placed and each farmer will have their own shrine (bedugul) where the water enters their fields. Finally, Pura Segara temples (Sea temples) are located on beaches or islands in river outlets, where the water from the irrigation system reaches the sea. Thus, the Pura Segaras marks the end of the system. The different temples each represent a level in the governing hierarchy of the irrigation system. As we have seen, the coordination of sowing, irrigating and harvesting within the region is of utmost importance. The crucial piece of timing is to plant the rice when it is 'pregnant'. This event is marked by a particular ritual called 'nyungsung'. The timing of the 'nyungsung' is very difficult to estimate for the individual farmer. The Balinese farmers use three calendric systems, and 'nyungsung' should take place at the full moon of the tenth solar-lunar month. On the gregorian calendar this date will fall somewhere between the end of February and the beginning of May. The High Priests of the Pura Ulun Batur will decide when the rice i IT IS NOT CLEAR WHETHER NYUNGSUNG OR THE FULL MOON OF THE TENTH MONTH TELLS THE TIME OF PLANTING OR THE TIME TO START IRRIGATING WHEN THE RICE BECOMES PREGNANT When the time for irrigation is up, Pura Ulun Danu Batur will send out an invitation to the Subaks to participate in the major annual festival of the temple, but reportedly the invitation also marks the beginning of the irrigation year. At the regional level, the system is coordinated and governed at the Ulung Swi temples or the Masceti temples. Reportedly there is no fixed relationship between Ulun Swi and Masceti temples. They can both be either superior, equal or subordinate to each other (It is not reported whether there are any rules or logic which decide the relationship between the Ulun Swi and the Masceti temples.) Subordinated to the regional temples are the "Subaks" or groups of "Subaks" if the number of "Subaks" subordinated to the regional temple is high or if the geographical or physiological features of the area makes it convenient to arrange the "Subaks" in groups. Each "Subak" will have their own temple for worship, but they will all send their leaders to the regional temple to make decisions and rules regarding the planting season etc.(!) In Sukawati village, the "Subaks" meet at the Masceti temple at the beginning of a new planting season if the planting schedule has to be changed. Furthermore, the regional temples will send delegates to the annual festival at Pura Ulun Danu Batur '
    MAINTENANCE RULES: Maintenance rules for the entire system are not reported. In the village of Kedewatan, seven "subaks" share water from a single large canal. Each "Subak" takes turns in the maintenance works and the annual rituals at the Masceti and Ulun Swi temples. No letter sent. questions: do "districts" mean irrigation communities (see fig. 1)? What Is the relationship between Ulun Danu Batur, Gianyar and Badung ? ed. Irrigation L.03.-25040.
     
34. Rec# 17. Martin, Edward D and Yoder, Robert 1987 Institutions for Irrigation Management In Farmer-Managed Systems Examples from the Hills of Nepal International Irrigation Management Institute Srilanka, Traditional, irrigation, khet. Nepal. This case study analyses the institutions employed by the farmers for the management of gravity irrigation systems in the hill region of western Nepal. Argali irrigation system is in Argali village Panchayat located between Ridi Bazaar and Ranighat (refer Fig 2).In Argali there are four irrigation system, the largest one being the Raj Kulo, each consisting of an intake on the Kurung Khola stream and a canal which conveys water to a command area on the Aragali river terrace. The four systems range in area from 11 to 47 hectares during the monsoon and in membership from 28 to 159 households. The soils are well drained with high percolation rates. The average size of irrigated landholding (khet) per household is about 0.3 hectares. The Raj Kulo was originally constructed to irrigate land to support a temple which was built on the bank of the Kali Gandaki River at Ridi. Part of the production from a small section of the present command area is still given to the temple : This same type of device for proportioning water distribution is found in many of the irrigation systems in western Nepal. They have different names as: "pani dhara", penaro karahankota, Spatial: The irrigation system is located on the river terraces 100-200 meters above the Kali Gandaki River at an elevation of about 650 meters
    Social: Same as Chherlung system (refer the next case study) . Those who farmed irrigated rice land, whether owners or tenants, were members of the irrigation organization and were responsible for operating the system. The organization fined persons who were absent from work and were caught stealing water. At the end of the year, the money collected in fines was spent for a feast for the members
    The tenant operators became land owners after passage of the Land Reform Acts in 1957 and 1964 and since then the amount of fined money has been invested in improvements in the system
    Maintenance: Major routine maintenance is done in late May and June to prepare the system for the monsoon season when efficient water delivery for rice cultivation is important. At this time, the diversion and canal walls are repaired to reduce leakage, silt and weeds are cleaned from the entire length of the canal, and sections of the canal are lined with clay to reduce seepage. This usually takes place between two and three weeks. The intake and main canal are patrolled daily so that there is a early detection of damage. The members take turns patrolling in pairs. If there is a need for more laborers, one of them will inform the "mukhiya" who then organizes members to do the repairs.
    In Argali, where water is allocated in proportion to area irrigated, labor and cash are also contributed according to area served. Members must contribute labor for ordinary maintenance work at the rate of one man for each 40 "maato muri" of khet each work day. A household with only 20 "maato muri" is required to provide one worker every other day * Maato muri: This is a traditional measure of area where 40 maato muri equals approx. half a hectare
    Regarding sanctions, the fine for missing a day of ordinary maintenance is Rs 6(1982), but if fines are not paid the organization can deny the offender water. The community can exert social, as well as physical pressure on members to pay fines . Irrigation:M-051996 Apr-1996 Apr 30.
     
35. Rec# 18. ---, Traditional, irrigation, khet. Nepal. This record has tried to analyze the institutions employed by the farmers for the management of gravity irrigation systems in the hill region of western Nepal. Chherlung system is in Baugha Gumha village Panchayat located in Palpa dist. Between Ridi Bazaar and Ranighat (refer Fig 2). Here there are three irrigation system .The smallest system serves less than 10 hectares and is supplied with water by a spring near the command area, it has an informal organization. The other two systems are called Thulo Kulo(large canal) and Tallo Kulo  (lower canal). The former has 105 members and the latter has 60 members. The soils are well drained with high percolation rates: This same type of device for proportioning water distribution is found in many of the irrigation systems in western Nepal. They are called by different names as: "pani dhara", khat bunda penaro etc., Spatial: The irrigation system is located on the river terraces 100-200 meters above the Kali Gandaki River at an elevation of about 650 meters
    Social: Rice is the preferred staple food in Chherlung, accordingly the technology and organization developed by farmers are primarily for rice cultivation. Membership in the irrigation organization is limited to those who have the right to water for growing rice in the monsoon season, even though other farmers have access to water from the system in other season for other crops. According to local tradition and Nepali law, the first farmer or group of farmers to develop a water source can claim the right, at the point of the diversion from the stream, to all of the water that they need for cultivation.
    Access to water for growing rice in Chherlung Thulo Kulo system and membership is limited to households that own at least a fraction of a share in the system. The ownership of transferable shares also existed as the method of water allocation . The organization have a "mukhiya"(leader) and a secretary who are elected by the members. The current officers could be displaced if members were dissatisfied with their performance. The mukhiya is responsible for organizing and supervising work done on the system, and the secretary keeps the accounts, a record of members water allocation and attendance at work, and minutes of the organization's meetings. As remuneration the number of workers these officers must supply for maintenance work, based on their water allocation is reduced. If the number of workers that they would have to provide is less than the remuneration they are due, the balance is paid to the in cash at the local daily wage rate ???
    The organization have a meeting of the members in mid-May. At this meeting plans are made for the major annual maintenance which begins shortly thereafter, new officers are elected if necessary, and operating rules for the coming monsoon season are reviewed and amended as needed. The accounts are presented for a review at a meeting after rice harvest in the fall. Other meetings may be held throughout the year if decisions about system operation need to be made
    Maintenance: Major routine maintenance is done in late May and June to prepare the system for the monsoon season when efficient water delivery is important for rice cultivation. The diversion and canal walls are repaired to reduce leakage , the silt and weeds are cleaned from the entire length of the canal, and sections of the canal are lined with clay to reduce seepage. This usually takes place between two and three weeks.
    Members contribute labor and cash according to the number of shares they own in the system. A household with one share is required to supply one man each day of ordinary maintenance, while one with two shares must provide two workers each day (refer table 3). In case of emergency each member household must supply one man, irrespective of its water allocation
    The system levy cash fines against members who are absent from work. The fine for missing a day of ordinary maintenance is set near the local daily wage rate , Rs 10 (1982). In case of emergency, the fine rate is increased to encourage a higher rate of attendance. The cash that is raised through fines is invested in maintenance and improvement of the system. Unless it is spent , the money can be loaned to members who pay interest to the organization
    The organization is quite strict about enforcing its rules and collecting fines, once in Chherlung it was reported that a man did not report for emergency maintenance for several days. When his fine was levied and he refused to pay, a group of members confiscated his cooking pots and threatened to sell them to pay his fine. Within a day or two , he paid the fine and recovered his cooking pots. Irrigation:M-051996 Apr-1996 Apr 30.
     
36. Rec# 5. Mathew, Sebastian 1991 Study of Territorial use rights in small scale Fisheries Traditional systems of fisheries Management in Pulicat Lake Tamil Nadu FAO Rome, Traditional, Fisheries, lagoon, fishing gear. Tamil Nadu. The total catch of the Pulicat lake comprises mainly prawns and mullets. The fishermen practice a system called "padu" to control access to certain fishing grounds. The most important gears from the point of fishery in the "Padu" grounds are stake-nets and drag-nets which are locally known as "suthu valai" mainly used for catching prawns and "badi-valai" used for catching all species. These gears can be used by fishermen who enjoy access rights to Padu grounds.: Spatial: The lagoon is about 60 km in length and 0.2 to 17.5 km in breadth. It has a high flood water spread area of 460 km square and low flood water spread area of 250 km square. The lake is confluent with the Bay of Bengal across a bar about 3 km from the Pulicat lighthouse. The deepest portion of the lagoon is in the vicinity of the bar. The best fishing grounds are confined to these water where the padu fishing rights are granted Social: Suthu valai: it ensures equitable access for all the eligible fishermen to all the fishing grounds in the operation Badi Valai: it ensures equal opportunities for all the units in the designated grounds. To become a member of Padu system it is essential to become a member of "Talekettu" i.e.; a village organization of fishermen based on caste and gender. The member is elected by the village council, the membership age being fifteen. Only married fisherman belonging to Talekettu is allowed to participate in the padu system. The village council (Panchayat) controls the Padu system.
     
37. Rec# 70. McGrath, David G. et al. Fisheries and the Evolution of Resource Management on the Lower Amazon Floodplain. DRAFT unpublished paper., Varzea, Fishery, Rivers, Lakes, Floodplains, Technological Change, Market access. Brazil.
    ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT: The Ribeirinho people (Varzeiros) of the lower Amazon floodplains (Varzea) live in a complex eco-system which has many subsystems and changes a lot during a year. The Varzea is defined as the area of either side of the main channel of the Amazon river which is periodically annundated by the lateral overflow of the waters of the Amazon river. The lower Amazon Varzea averages about 45 km. in width and covers a total area of 18.000 sq. km. (app.). On both sides of the main channel we will find Restingas, land strips which can be used for farming and grazing. On the other side of the Restinga, the varzea lakes used for fishing, are located. Again there will come a Restinga and finally we will see Paranas, river channels which border up to the mainland (fig. 2). River channels will flow back and forth across the floodplain, carving the landscape into islands. The size of the varzea lakes varies from a few thousand square meters to several hundred square kilometers, but they rarely exceed 4 meters depth. Annually the whole system will be flooded by the river waters, infusing nutrient-rich waters to the varzea. The river will begin to rise in November, reaching maximum height in May or June. Then it will fall to reach minimum level by the end of October. The rainy season is from December till June. Thus, from November\December till June, water is plentiful, while July to November is dry season. SOCIO/ECO-CONTEXT: Geographical and historical coverage is not reported. The institution is concurrent.,
    SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The areas of the lower Amazon floodplains which inhabited by the Varzeiros.
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: Ribeirinhos and outsiders using the resources within the spatial boundaries. Control over a lake is usually based on either ownership of lake shorefront property or on a tradition of access to a lake. As no single right holders in the community have a sufficiently large piece of property to establish a meaningful fishing territory, the lake will be managed collectively by the community. No further information is reported. No letter sent. Not completed. ed. CPR M.23.-6212.
     
38. Rec# 80. McKean, Margareth A. Success on the Commons A Comparative Examination of Institutions for Common Property Resource Management. unpublished paper Duke University 1988., Reserves, Market Access, Economy, Hill agriculture, Common Property. Japan. The study describes institutions set up for managing common property in the villages of Yamanak, Hirano and Nagaike, located on the slopes of Mount Fuji. Generally there is no references to specific rules used in a specific village. The information in this record can only be seen as examples of principles used in the villages - not as a consistent set of rules used in one particular institution\village. Each of the villages has an exclusive parcel of common property land, and along with several other villages, they share a large expanse of meadows which extends towards the summit of Mount Fuji. The paper indicates that similar institutions was found and can be found all over Japan. The institution is concurrent.,
    SPATIAL BOUNDARIES: The villages of Yamanak, Hirano and Nagaike.
    SOCIAL BOUNDARIES: All residents of the villages who contribute their full duty to the commons. Households who migrate to other areas, but maintain their property in the villages will normally not be given access, as they do not contribute. Within the villages, villagers belong to a "Kumi", a geographic sub-area of the village, which often is used as the basic unit of allocating resources from the commons. Thus, it was important that the Kumi's were of equal size. Users have to convene regularly in a deliberative body to make